Corporate finance 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 5750 words

Corporate account 2 - Essay Example Last however not the least the third gathering commends enormous profits as positive sign to investors that everything is great. So where does the advanced investor fulfillment remain according to profit approaches? Another question which identifies with this conversation is the way flagging models endeavor to clarify the extent of value held by a business visionary, the kind of financing utilized for a venture and the measure of value gave or repurchased. The issue at that point relates to data asymmetry (accessibility of information).Firstly in the event that we take a gander at Dividend arrangement it was very much put by Black 1976 (refered to by Frankfurter 2002), â€Å"That the about widespread strategy of delivering generous profits is the essential riddle in the financial aspects of corporate finance.† Thus the recommendation drives us to the question whether investors ought to be delivered adequate profits whether they are making sizeable benefits on the securities exchange. In the course of the last 50 years scholastics have spoken in incredible profundity over this issue and recommended clashing hypothetical structures to clarify their place of view.(Frankfurter 2002).The issue is that these affirmations frequently need exact profundity to the analysis and discover self inconsistencies trying to clarify corporate profit behaviour.(Frankfurter 2002).Today scholarly supposition is partitioned concerning whether profits are alluring to investors and will have a positive effect in stock prices.(Frankfurter 2002 )Another way of thinking battles that costs are contrarily corresponded with profit payout levels.(Frankfurter 2002).The third view is that firm profit strategy is superfluous in stock value valuation. (Hotdog 2002).My paper will examine and attempt to accommodate every one of these perspectives towards a superior hypothesis and comprehension of this issue.These sees are best summarized as being based upon,the charge impact ( Litzenberger and Ramaswamy

Conflict Management Plan

1. Recognize the accessible refereeing methodologies and their qualities and weaknesses.Strategy Strengths Weaknesses CollaborationMakes the group more grounded while building spirit. Capacity to issue understand. Partaking in obligation Not sharing same thoughts Causes most well known vote Can be opportunity devouring while at the same time approaching to an understanding CompetitionForces group to consider new ideas for better outcomes Cause colleagues to differ and never arrive at an answer AvoidanceRefocuses group to genuine issue Takes individual sentiments out of the issue Problem despite everything exist Team relationship becomes taintedAccommodationAllows the group to go to a goals by giving and takingRequires some colleagues thoughts to be returned on the burnerCompromiseAllows group to go to an answer in a convenient mannerMay impact group contrarily on the off chance that one part feels they bargain more than others2. Which of the accessible peace promotion procedures is g enerally fitting for the present circumstance with Clyde and Dan? Give your method of reasoning, including what factors you considered in making your choice. Your reaction ought to be in any event 100 words.The most fitting peace making procedure for the present circumstance is joint effort. I feel if the two men are united to talk about their issues in a non-antagonistic condition then the genuine issue will introduce itself. This will permit both colleagues to voice their conclusions and a goals can be offered up.Once the issue is in the open they can concentrate on the most proficient method to determine it. I made this choice since it seems like perhaps it could be a character strife with a great deal of he said she said. The best way to determine it is to recognize what the genuine issue is. The best way to realize that is to unite the men to discuss it.3. In the event that the chose system isn't fruitful, what is your substitute procedure? Give your basis to this determination . Your reaction ought to be at any rate 100 words.If the principal system isn't effective then the following alternative is evasion. This will constrain the colleagues to put their own inclination toward one another aside with the goal that they can concentrate on the task. Colleagues won't generally get along. How they feel about one another can be an issue, however as long as they can set those emotions aside for the improvement of the group then they can concentrate on the shared objective. As long each of the of taking an interest and sharing the remaining task at hand the group can be successful.4. What potential detours may be experienced in settling the contention? How might you address these? Your reaction ought to be at any rate 100 words.Some potential barriers is the colleagues are never going to budge on not cooperating. At the point when each choice for settling the issue has been depleted then there might be a requirement for various measures. The thought is to keep th e group together and concentrated on the venture. On the off chance that the activities of these two menâ lower the assurance of the group and make it difficult to cooperate then it is my suggestion both colleagues be supplanted. The center is the group and the undertaking.

5 Ways to Keep Friends After College

5 Ways to Keep Friends After College How to Keep Friends After College, Even if Theres Distance Between You How to Keep Friends After College, Even if Theres Distance Between You You’ve made some amazing friendships so far, but sadly, the toughest part is to keep friendships alive after college. Many people come to college from around the country, and even from other parts of the world. Once your time is over, the reality will set in that you are all going to go back home, or to new cities where new jobs await you. However, there’s no need to feel sad because there are plenty of ways to stay in touch and stay just as close with your friends as you are now. 1. Schedule Regular Skype Hangouts Everyone says that they’ll keep in touch, but sometimes we get busy with new life changes and forget to make time for our friends because we know they’ll always be there. However, you should treat your friendships like a regular appointment, and work hard to make the time to talk regularly on Skype or another video chat system. This will keep you in touch with each others’ lives and make you feel as if there isn’t any distance between you at all. 2. Send Random Photos to One Another Sending random photos to one another will help you share your daily moments as if you are actually together. Even if it’s just that amazing brunch you’re eating or a picture of your cat doing something cute, the shared moments will help you bridge the distance and feel closer to one another. 3. Send Each Other Care Packages One of the biggest ways to keep friends after college is to look back on those things that remind you of that other person. Send each other a regular “care package” filled with some of the things you’re enjoying right now. Include that amazing book you just finished, your new favourite snack, or even some clothes you don’t want anymore. This will help you remind each other of the reasons you became friends in the first place. 4. Write Handwritten Letters Ditch the technology for a little while and write handwritten letters to one another. It might seem unnecessary when you could just send an email, but handwritten letters are extremely personal and intimate and feel more genuine. You can include photographs or postcards in your letter as well to add that extra touch. 5. Make That Road Trip If your friend lives an unrealistic distance away, plan a trip where you both meet in the middle and explore a new city together. Each trip you could meet up in a completely new place. Even if you only do this once a year, or once every other year, you’ll look forward to this regular vacation and it will become a special bonding experience for both of you. Clear up More Time For Your Friends Keeping friends after college is a lot easier when you are able to make the most of your time with them during the fact. Let our team of experienced academic writers take care of your assignments for you so you can spend more time nurturing your social circle. We provide services in a variety of subjects, industries, and departments, so there are always options available to help you. Get a free quote now for your next assignment! References: Kruschewsky, G. (2014). 19 simple ways to maintain a long-distance relationship with your best friend. The Huffington Post. Retrieved from best-friend-long-distance_n_5052185. 5 Ways to Keep Friends After College How to Keep Friends After College, Even if Theres Distance Between You How to Keep Friends After College, Even if Theres Distance Between You You’ve made some amazing friendships so far, but sadly, the toughest part is to keep friendships alive after college. Many people come to college from around the country, and even from other parts of the world. Once your time is over, the reality will set in that you are all going to go back home, or to new cities where new jobs await you. However, there’s no need to feel sad because there are plenty of ways to stay in touch and stay just as close with your friends as you are now. 1. Schedule Regular Skype Hangouts Everyone says that they’ll keep in touch, but sometimes we get busy with new life changes and forget to make time for our friends because we know they’ll always be there. However, you should treat your friendships like a regular appointment, and work hard to make the time to talk regularly on Skype or another video chat system. This will keep you in touch with each others’ lives and make you feel as if there isn’t any distance between you at all. 2. Send Random Photos to One Another Sending random photos to one another will help you share your daily moments as if you are actually together. Even if it’s just that amazing brunch you’re eating or a picture of your cat doing something cute, the shared moments will help you bridge the distance and feel closer to one another. 3. Send Each Other Care Packages One of the biggest ways to keep friends after college is to look back on those things that remind you of that other person. Send each other a regular “care package” filled with some of the things you’re enjoying right now. Include that amazing book you just finished, your new favourite snack, or even some clothes you don’t want anymore. This will help you remind each other of the reasons you became friends in the first place. 4. Write Handwritten Letters Ditch the technology for a little while and write handwritten letters to one another. It might seem unnecessary when you could just send an email, but handwritten letters are extremely personal and intimate and feel more genuine. You can include photographs or postcards in your letter as well to add that extra touch. 5. Make That Road Trip If your friend lives an unrealistic distance away, plan a trip where you both meet in the middle and explore a new city together. Each trip you could meet up in a completely new place. Even if you only do this once a year, or once every other year, you’ll look forward to this regular vacation and it will become a special bonding experience for both of you. Clear up More Time For Your Friends Keeping friends after college is a lot easier when you are able to make the most of your time with them during the fact. Let our team of experienced academic writers take care of your assignments for you so you can spend more time nurturing your social circle. We provide services in a variety of subjects, industries, and departments, so there are always options available to help you. Get a free quote now for your next assignment! References: Kruschewsky, G. (2014). 19 simple ways to maintain a long-distance relationship with your best friend. The Huffington Post. Retrieved from best-friend-long-distance_n_5052185.

The Role of Competitions in Our Life Essay

Only Strongest Can Survive Competition is an indispensable part of life on our planet, where only the strongest can survive. This is the law which outlined the whole idea of Darwins evolution theory and the main principle of business practices. Competition is the basis for any sport, job interviews and college admission procedures. But is it good or bad? On the one hand, competition is definitely the development impulse. It determines the life of any human being, as even the fetation is the result of the strongest sperm cell reaching the ovum. It is the main driving force in business and economics, which makes enterprises work hard, struggling for better profits. It is the stimulus for many students to study and get more chances to win a university scholarship and sportsmen to train hard, as it is the competition which makes the sporting events so enjoyable both for the participants and the viewers. However, the influence of the competition is not always positive. First if all, in order to compete, a person must always have a rival, which means that it is impossible to identify your own value being alone. It is certainly not true, because any individual has a unique personality and thus unique value. Secondly, competition sometimes destroys the real enjoyment of the activity and makes it less creative: if you are only concentrated on the idea of being the first, you can hardly enjoy the process of doing something, as you are too worried about the result. In my opinion, competition is ambiguous, yet inevitable principle of our life. It is useful in many aspects. However, when it becomes the only moral rule of life, the society can face numerous problems, starting with the depreciating of the human soul and finishing with the low cultural level.

Essay on Technology in Greg Bears Blood Music - 1491 Words

Technology in Greg Bears Blood Music Different genres of literature are particular responses to society; therefore, cyberpunk, as a genre, is a response to our contemporary society, known as the information age. One of the attributes given the genre is that it has an apocalyptic or post-apocalyptic tone, warning the reader of the perils of technology, while at the same time celebrating the possibilities of technology, usually through a strong character in the novel. In Greg Bears Blood Music, technology is seen as having a destructive and creative forces as it reshapes the world biologically, and incorporates every living thing, including a slow girl named Suzy, into the system. Blood Music demonstrates the perils and†¦show more content†¦Although the idea of having a world without sickness, age, and death seems appealing, Greg Bear approaches the idea from the what if perspective of something going wrong that could be detrimental to the whole of society. In Bears novel, Vergil, an ingenious scientis t, creates smart cells from his own body, going behind the experiments of his company which is trying desperately to develop the nanotechnology that we are trying to achieve in our own time, and creates natural cells that can think on their own to manipulate their environment and make it better. Only, when the cells realize the problems within the living system and begin to change things, it is more that Virgil bargained for. Each cell from every other living thing is incorporated and melted into an alternate society, making each cell sentient, but also part of a communal group, sharing DNA, and ultimately throughout the information transference, making each individual a part of the genetic whole. Because Virgils creation ended the world as we know it through the use of technology, it can be seen as the dark, forbidding text common to cyberpunk fiction. People are melting down into sheets of skin and cities are stopping like broken down cities, only to be enveloped by the floating masses of paper thin cells that think for themselves, and yet share information and thoughts indiscriminately. Each person is loosing a sense of themselves, breaking down into

Democratization of Uruguay Free Essays

string(89) " damaging to democracy was the curtailment of human right trails for military officials\." Giancarlo Orichio Dr. A. Arraras CPO 3055 20 November 2008 Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Uruguay A study of democratization presumes that the meaning of democratization is self-evident: defined simply as a transition of a political system from non-democracy towards accountable and representative government practices. We will write a custom essay sample on Democratization of Uruguay or any similar topic only for you Order Now (Grugel 3) A concept that is valid in Uruguayan politics however, has an element of potential risk that will be the topic of further analysis. Assessment of the latter will enable us to determine why Uruguay is the only one of the four former â€Å"bureaucratic-authoritarian† regimes in South America that includes Chile, Brazil, and Argentina to attain this debatably political status quo. Guillermo O’Donnell described this type of regime as an institution that uses coercive measures to respond to what they view as threats to capitalism, whereas, the only means of opposing this repressive government is by an â€Å"unconditional commitment to democracy. (O’Donnell xiii) The hierarchically lead bureaucratic-authoritarian regime as a political actor poses a possible advantage to democratization insofar that the military-as-institution may consider that their interests are best served by extrication from the military-as-government. However, seizing power to a new governing body without imposing strong constraints is improbable and has occurred predictably in Uruguayan democratic transition. Understanding th e obstacle faced by the newly fragile democratic government in managing the military and eliminating its reserved domains brings us to the task at hand. First, I will analyze the political history in Uruguay that lead up to the no doubt controversial argument that it has attained democratic consolidation. Secondly, I will analyze the factors that either contributed or hindered its journey to representative democracy; ultimately, arriving to the conclusion that Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan describe as a â€Å"risk-prone† consolidated democracy. On 25 August 1825, Juan Antonio Lavalleja, at the head of a group of patriots called the â€Å"treinta y tres orientales,† issued a declaration of independence. After a three-year fight, a peace treaty signed on 28 August 1828 guaranteed Uruguay’s independence. During this period of political turmoil and civil war, the two political parties around which Uruguayan history has traditionally revolved, the Colorados and the Blancos, were founded. â€Å"Even by West Europen standards, [Uruguay] had a tradition of high party identification and a clear sense of a left-right index. † (Linz 152) Uruguay’s first president, Gen. Jose Fructuoso Rivera, an ally of Artigas, founded the Colorados. The second president, Brig. Gen. Manuel Oribe, a friend of Lavalleja, founded the Blancos. The 19th century was largely a struggle between the two factions. However, it was not until the election of Jose Batlle y Ordonez as president in 1903 that Uruguay matured as a nation. The Batlle administrations (1903–7, 1911–15) marked the period of greatest economic performance. A distinguished statesman, Batlle initiated the social welfare system codified in the Uruguayan constitution. From then on, Uruguay’s social programs, funded primarily by earnings of beef and wool in foreign markets, gave Uruguay the revered soubriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America. † After World War II, the Colorados ruled, except for an eight-year period from 1958–66. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures. Political instability resulted, most dramatically in the emergence of Uruguay’s National Liberation Movement, popularly known as the Tupamaros. This well-organized urban guerrilla movement adopted Marxist and nationalist ideals while on the other hand, most nationally important actors were disloyal or at best semi-loyal to the already established democratic regime. Their revolutionary activities, coupled with the worsening economic situation, exacerbated Uruguay’s political uncertainty. Gradually, the military-as institution assumed a greater role in government and by 1973 was in complete control of the political system. By the end of 1973, the Tupamaros had been successfully controlled and suppressed by the military-as-institution. In terms of systematic repression, as Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan stated, â€Å"Uruguay was the most deeply repressive of the four South American bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes. (Linz 152) Amnesty international denounced Uruguay for human rights violations; in 1979, they estimated the number of political prisoners jailed at a ratio of 1 per 600, Chile and Argentina were respectively 1 in 2,000 and 1 in 1,200. (Linz 152) By 1977 the military announced that they would devise a new constitution with the intentions to â€Å"strengthen democracy. † The new constitution would be submitted to a plebis cite in 1980, and if ratified elections with a single presidential candidate nominated by both the Colorados and the Blancos and approved by the military would be held the following year. The post-authoritarian transition to democracy began in Uruguay when the democratic opposition won the plebiscite. By the 1980’s the military did not have an offensive plan to lift Uruguay from its uninterrupted bad economic performance, the Tupamaros had in fact been defeated by 1973, so a defense project against urban guerrilla was unnecessary. The military had no civil or political support, and with there loss in the plebiscite, whose results they said they would respect, tarnished the military’s political leverage significantly. Thus, the democratic opposition in the form of the two major catch all political parties that have governed de jure since the 19 century presented a non threatening alternative despite their disloyal behavior before the authoritarian coup d’etat . As previously touched on, the opportunities presented by a hierarchical military favoring democratic transition is the possibility that the leading officers of the military-as-institution will come to the conclusion that the cost of non democratic rule is greater than the cost of extrication. With the main interest resting in a stable state that will in turn allow the military to become a functioning sector of the state apparatus. However, this does not preclude the possibility of non democratic prerogatives in the transfer. The party-military negotiation called the Naval Club Pact disqualified Wilson Ferreira of the Blanco party to be nominated as president, pushed for guarantees concerning their own autonomy, and the most damaging to democracy was the curtailment of human right trails for military officials. You read "Democratization of Uruguay" in category "Papers" Elections were held in 1985 were Julio Maria Sanguinetti from the Colorado party became the first democratically elected candidate in the 1977 constitution. Because of strong public discontent with Military Amnesty granted during the transition, the curtailment was sent to a referendum in 1989, were it approved the amnesty and gained democratic legitimacy by 57%. It has to be stated that the majority of Uruguayan opposed the amnesty, however the fragile democratic government confronted a troubling decision. They could have breached the Naval Club Pact and tried military officer for heir human right offenses and risked military refusal and therefore a crisis in their own authority. Or they could have hastily granted them amnesty at the cost of lowered prestige in the new democracy. It is safe to assume that the electorate voted to let the amnesty law stand not because it was just but more so to avoid a crisis. By 1992 the left-wing Frente Amplio was integrated into Uruguayan politics without any other major party leaders deeming them unacceptable arriving to the quarrelsome argument that Uruguay became a consolidated democracy. Uruguay’s economic development can be divided into two starkly contrasting periods. During the first period, when it earned its valued sobriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America,† from the late 1800s until the 1950s, Uruguay achieved remarkable growth and a high standard of living. Expanding livestock exports; principally beef and wool accounted for its economic development. The advanced social welfare programs, which redistributed wealth from the livestock sector to the rest of the economy, raised the standard of living for the majority of the population and contributed to the development of new industries. When export earnings faltered in the 1950s, however, the fabric of Uruguay’s economy had begun to unravel. The country entered a decades-long period of economic stagnation. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool and beef demands declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures causing bad economic performance that lead to the bureaucratic-authoritarian take over of government. Although the old democratic regime was not able to lift economic prosperity neither was the military-as-government. Bad economic performance still plagued the nation throughout authoritarian rule. By 1980 the military had no agenda in combating the bad economic performance that helped unveil the inadequacies of the non democratic regime. In fact, economic performance has been in a decline since 1950’s until today. Although the legitimacy that the democratic system posses in Uruguay is strong, the capacity, or as Stepan and Linz say, the â€Å"efficacy† of the democratic system in resolving the stagnant economy is low. Thus, making Uruguay’s democracy risk-prone due to an unsolved economic performance. Since the economy has been the number one issue affecting Uruguayans since the end of their golden era in the early 19 century. A public opinion poll was asked to upper class respondents weather a political alternative from the authoritarian regime at the time would speed rather than slow economic recuperation. By a margin of 2 to 1 they believed it would, more surprisingly was a 7 to 1 response to the question if a new democratic regime would bring more tranquility and public order. In 1985, of the nine institutions evaluated in terms of trust, political parties ranked highest with a net score of 57 and the armed forces with a net score of negative 73. Only 5% viewed the military sympathetically while 78% viewed the military with antipathy. (Linz 153) In my studies concerning democratization never did democracy start with such rejection of the political role of the military from all class coalitions alike. During the first half on the 19th century the norm was a two party system similar to that of the United States in that there was â€Å"low fragmentation and low polarization. † (Linz 163) However, contrary to the American vetting process the Uruguayan had a peculiar electoral system known as the double simultaneous vote that allows all parties to run multiple candidate for the presidency. This did not present a problem until after the 1960’s when presidents routinely were elected with less than 25% of the vote because of the amount of candidates running. This creates party fragmentation that can hinder democracy. The fact that the old regime political structure remains untouched means that the opportunity for constitutional change was missed and this presents a potential democratic upheaval. Behaviorally, by 1968-73 political elites were at best semi-loyal to the democratic system that soon caused the authoritarian regime to take over government, and one thing that can be done from previous failures in democratic attempts is to learn from their missteps. Stepan and Linz clearly state that for the consolidation of democracy loyalty to the system as well as the perception that all other parties are loyal to the democratic process plays a crucial role. (Linz 156) By 1985 not one of the twelve major factions of the three leading parties perceived the other parties to be acting disloyal. As well as the mere fact that the once unacceptable left-wing party, Frente Amplio, held the mayoral position of Montevideo by 1989 and then the presidency by 2004 demonstrates the positive elite choices that contributed to democracy. Since Uruguay’s troublesome and long fought battle for independence in August 25, 1828 Uruguay did not encounter any â€Å"intermestic† stateness problems. As far as Washington relations to Latin America and in particular Uruguay, the United States continues to pursue hegemony over the region. The neo-liberal reforms in place in the region are bound by the restraints of the global market and for a country like Uruguay it is very difficult to compete with such superpowers. These reforms have often left the lower classes impoverish and desperate while the upper classes and Washington feed their gluttonous appetites. The civilian government in Uruguay has found it increasingly difficult to enforce these foreign economic influences that can potentially result in authoritarian means of accomplishment. As a member of MERCOSUR, Mercado Comun del Sur, Uruguay faced foreign political influences to liberalize its economy during the 1990s, as economic giants, and MERCOSUR partners Brazil and Argentina had done. This can be potentially devastating to democracy except that Uruguay in the 1980’s had a gross national product (GNP) per capita income of 2,820, higher than any of its MERCOSUR counterparts. However, we must remember that Uruguay has been experiencing a downward economic performance since the mid 1900’s and is a potential risk that needs to be addressed to preserve democracy. United States foreign policy in Uruguay and in the rest of Latin America has encouraged for the liberalization of markets. The side effect of neo-liberal reform is the zero-sum element that produces excessive amounts of losers. Essentially the contrary to what it is intended to produce. These superpower polices implemented creates few winners most of which are â€Å"elites with government connection [that] have been the primary beneficiaries of the sweeping economic transformation. † (Kingstone 196) This transcends business when the only means of preserving this market economy is through potential authoritarian means. The contentious claim that Uruguay is a consolidated democracy since 1992 is threefold, first, because of the reluctance to fix the already proven failed double simultaneous vote electoral system. Secondly, because of civil-military relations concerning human rights violation during authoritarian rule, although was legitimized by democratic referendum, but more importantly budgetary cuts that have been implemented as a result of bad economic performance. Finally, and most importantly, Uruguayans accept democracy as the most legitimate political game, but also recognize its incapacity to fix the troubling economy, producing this efficacy-legitimacy gap that can be potentially destructive for democracy. These three factors give Uruguay the title of a risk-prone democracy. Works Cited Kingstone, Peter R. , ed. Readings in Latin American Politics. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2006. Linz, Juan, and Alfred Stepan. Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. O’Donnell, Guillermo. Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics. Berkley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1973. How to cite Democratization of Uruguay, Papers

Jelousy Essay Example

Jelousy Essay There are evil people in this world; greedy, manipulative, overbearing and jealous.Iago, in William Shakespeares Othello, is an evil, malignant character.He uses peoples goodness, integrity, and ignorance to get what he wants.When Othellos position is higher through character and status, Iago becomes jealous and decides that Othello must be eliminated. Iago is aware of the jealousy inside himself.Othello is a good man at heart, but is not aware of his evil and jealousy, and therefore will not be able to control it.Iago takes advantage of this and uses Othellos trust to manipulate Othello into revealing his true character. Iago, like any great manipulator, moves indirectly so he is never suspected.He uses Roderigo to get to Cassio, Desdemona, and Othello.Once the peace is disrupted, Iago moves directly to Othello. Everyone trusts Iago and believes that he is trying to do the best for them.Iago uses Roderigo to get Cassio in trouble with Othello.Since Roderigo is in love with Desdemon a, I confess it is my shame to be so found (of Desdemona)(Act 1. Sc 3. Ln 360), Iago tells Roderigo that Cassio is in love with her and she in love with Cassio.Desdemona is directly in love with him.(Act2. Sc1. Ln240) This upsets Roderigo and he is more prone to fight Cassio when told by Iago to do so. Roderigo does not just have Othello to compete with anymore; he has Cassio as well. Iago tells Roderigo that he can win Desdemona from Cassio by fighting and from Othello by following her to Cyprus. So Roderigo listens to and trusts the man, fights Cassio, sells his land and brings Iago to Cyprus.After the fight Cassio is dismissed from his office by Othello. Iago wins. Cassio is in trouble, is no longer Othellos lieutenant and Iago is in Cyprus with Othello.He then moves in on Cassio.Cassio is another step closer for Iagos plan to cause Othellos demise.Iago convinces Cassio to ask Desdemona, Othellos wife,