Thursday, May 21, 2020

The Role of Competitions in Our Life Essay

Only Strongest Can Survive Competition is an indispensable part of life on our planet, where only the strongest can survive. This is the law which outlined the whole idea of Darwins evolution theory and the main principle of business practices. Competition is the basis for any sport, job interviews and college admission procedures. But is it good or bad? On the one hand, competition is definitely the development impulse. It determines the life of any human being, as even the fetation is the result of the strongest sperm cell reaching the ovum. It is the main driving force in business and economics, which makes enterprises work hard, struggling for better profits. It is the stimulus for many students to study and get more chances to win a university scholarship and sportsmen to train hard, as it is the competition which makes the sporting events so enjoyable both for the participants and the viewers. However, the influence of the competition is not always positive. First if all, in order to compete, a person must always have a rival, which means that it is impossible to identify your own value being alone. It is certainly not true, because any individual has a unique personality and thus unique value. Secondly, competition sometimes destroys the real enjoyment of the activity and makes it less creative: if you are only concentrated on the idea of being the first, you can hardly enjoy the process of doing something, as you are too worried about the result. In my opinion, competition is ambiguous, yet inevitable principle of our life. It is useful in many aspects. However, when it becomes the only moral rule of life, the society can face numerous problems, starting with the depreciating of the human soul and finishing with the low cultural level.

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Essay on Technology in Greg Bears Blood Music - 1491 Words

Technology in Greg Bears Blood Music Different genres of literature are particular responses to society; therefore, cyberpunk, as a genre, is a response to our contemporary society, known as the information age. One of the attributes given the genre is that it has an apocalyptic or post-apocalyptic tone, warning the reader of the perils of technology, while at the same time celebrating the possibilities of technology, usually through a strong character in the novel. In Greg Bears Blood Music, technology is seen as having a destructive and creative forces as it reshapes the world biologically, and incorporates every living thing, including a slow girl named Suzy, into the system. Blood Music demonstrates the perils and†¦show more content†¦Although the idea of having a world without sickness, age, and death seems appealing, Greg Bear approaches the idea from the what if perspective of something going wrong that could be detrimental to the whole of society. In Bears novel, Vergil, an ingenious scientis t, creates smart cells from his own body, going behind the experiments of his company which is trying desperately to develop the nanotechnology that we are trying to achieve in our own time, and creates natural cells that can think on their own to manipulate their environment and make it better. Only, when the cells realize the problems within the living system and begin to change things, it is more that Virgil bargained for. Each cell from every other living thing is incorporated and melted into an alternate society, making each cell sentient, but also part of a communal group, sharing DNA, and ultimately throughout the information transference, making each individual a part of the genetic whole. Because Virgils creation ended the world as we know it through the use of technology, it can be seen as the dark, forbidding text common to cyberpunk fiction. People are melting down into sheets of skin and cities are stopping like broken down cities, only to be enveloped by the floating masses of paper thin cells that think for themselves, and yet share information and thoughts indiscriminately. Each person is loosing a sense of themselves, breaking down into

Democratization of Uruguay Free Essays

string(89) " damaging to democracy was the curtailment of human right trails for military officials\." Giancarlo Orichio Dr. A. Arraras CPO 3055 20 November 2008 Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Uruguay A study of democratization presumes that the meaning of democratization is self-evident: defined simply as a transition of a political system from non-democracy towards accountable and representative government practices. We will write a custom essay sample on Democratization of Uruguay or any similar topic only for you Order Now (Grugel 3) A concept that is valid in Uruguayan politics however, has an element of potential risk that will be the topic of further analysis. Assessment of the latter will enable us to determine why Uruguay is the only one of the four former â€Å"bureaucratic-authoritarian† regimes in South America that includes Chile, Brazil, and Argentina to attain this debatably political status quo. Guillermo O’Donnell described this type of regime as an institution that uses coercive measures to respond to what they view as threats to capitalism, whereas, the only means of opposing this repressive government is by an â€Å"unconditional commitment to democracy. (O’Donnell xiii) The hierarchically lead bureaucratic-authoritarian regime as a political actor poses a possible advantage to democratization insofar that the military-as-institution may consider that their interests are best served by extrication from the military-as-government. However, seizing power to a new governing body without imposing strong constraints is improbable and has occurred predictably in Uruguayan democratic transition. Understanding th e obstacle faced by the newly fragile democratic government in managing the military and eliminating its reserved domains brings us to the task at hand. First, I will analyze the political history in Uruguay that lead up to the no doubt controversial argument that it has attained democratic consolidation. Secondly, I will analyze the factors that either contributed or hindered its journey to representative democracy; ultimately, arriving to the conclusion that Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan describe as a â€Å"risk-prone† consolidated democracy. On 25 August 1825, Juan Antonio Lavalleja, at the head of a group of patriots called the â€Å"treinta y tres orientales,† issued a declaration of independence. After a three-year fight, a peace treaty signed on 28 August 1828 guaranteed Uruguay’s independence. During this period of political turmoil and civil war, the two political parties around which Uruguayan history has traditionally revolved, the Colorados and the Blancos, were founded. â€Å"Even by West Europen standards, [Uruguay] had a tradition of high party identification and a clear sense of a left-right index. † (Linz 152) Uruguay’s first president, Gen. Jose Fructuoso Rivera, an ally of Artigas, founded the Colorados. The second president, Brig. Gen. Manuel Oribe, a friend of Lavalleja, founded the Blancos. The 19th century was largely a struggle between the two factions. However, it was not until the election of Jose Batlle y Ordonez as president in 1903 that Uruguay matured as a nation. The Batlle administrations (1903–7, 1911–15) marked the period of greatest economic performance. A distinguished statesman, Batlle initiated the social welfare system codified in the Uruguayan constitution. From then on, Uruguay’s social programs, funded primarily by earnings of beef and wool in foreign markets, gave Uruguay the revered soubriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America. † After World War II, the Colorados ruled, except for an eight-year period from 1958–66. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures. Political instability resulted, most dramatically in the emergence of Uruguay’s National Liberation Movement, popularly known as the Tupamaros. This well-organized urban guerrilla movement adopted Marxist and nationalist ideals while on the other hand, most nationally important actors were disloyal or at best semi-loyal to the already established democratic regime. Their revolutionary activities, coupled with the worsening economic situation, exacerbated Uruguay’s political uncertainty. Gradually, the military-as institution assumed a greater role in government and by 1973 was in complete control of the political system. By the end of 1973, the Tupamaros had been successfully controlled and suppressed by the military-as-institution. In terms of systematic repression, as Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan stated, â€Å"Uruguay was the most deeply repressive of the four South American bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes. (Linz 152) Amnesty international denounced Uruguay for human rights violations; in 1979, they estimated the number of political prisoners jailed at a ratio of 1 per 600, Chile and Argentina were respectively 1 in 2,000 and 1 in 1,200. (Linz 152) By 1977 the military announced that they would devise a new constitution with the intentions to â€Å"strengthen democracy. † The new constitution would be submitted to a plebis cite in 1980, and if ratified elections with a single presidential candidate nominated by both the Colorados and the Blancos and approved by the military would be held the following year. The post-authoritarian transition to democracy began in Uruguay when the democratic opposition won the plebiscite. By the 1980’s the military did not have an offensive plan to lift Uruguay from its uninterrupted bad economic performance, the Tupamaros had in fact been defeated by 1973, so a defense project against urban guerrilla was unnecessary. The military had no civil or political support, and with there loss in the plebiscite, whose results they said they would respect, tarnished the military’s political leverage significantly. Thus, the democratic opposition in the form of the two major catch all political parties that have governed de jure since the 19 century presented a non threatening alternative despite their disloyal behavior before the authoritarian coup d’etat . As previously touched on, the opportunities presented by a hierarchical military favoring democratic transition is the possibility that the leading officers of the military-as-institution will come to the conclusion that the cost of non democratic rule is greater than the cost of extrication. With the main interest resting in a stable state that will in turn allow the military to become a functioning sector of the state apparatus. However, this does not preclude the possibility of non democratic prerogatives in the transfer. The party-military negotiation called the Naval Club Pact disqualified Wilson Ferreira of the Blanco party to be nominated as president, pushed for guarantees concerning their own autonomy, and the most damaging to democracy was the curtailment of human right trails for military officials. You read "Democratization of Uruguay" in category "Papers" Elections were held in 1985 were Julio Maria Sanguinetti from the Colorado party became the first democratically elected candidate in the 1977 constitution. Because of strong public discontent with Military Amnesty granted during the transition, the curtailment was sent to a referendum in 1989, were it approved the amnesty and gained democratic legitimacy by 57%. It has to be stated that the majority of Uruguayan opposed the amnesty, however the fragile democratic government confronted a troubling decision. They could have breached the Naval Club Pact and tried military officer for heir human right offenses and risked military refusal and therefore a crisis in their own authority. Or they could have hastily granted them amnesty at the cost of lowered prestige in the new democracy. It is safe to assume that the electorate voted to let the amnesty law stand not because it was just but more so to avoid a crisis. By 1992 the left-wing Frente Amplio was integrated into Uruguayan politics without any other major party leaders deeming them unacceptable arriving to the quarrelsome argument that Uruguay became a consolidated democracy. Uruguay’s economic development can be divided into two starkly contrasting periods. During the first period, when it earned its valued sobriquet â€Å"Switzerland of South America,† from the late 1800s until the 1950s, Uruguay achieved remarkable growth and a high standard of living. Expanding livestock exports; principally beef and wool accounted for its economic development. The advanced social welfare programs, which redistributed wealth from the livestock sector to the rest of the economy, raised the standard of living for the majority of the population and contributed to the development of new industries. When export earnings faltered in the 1950s, however, the fabric of Uruguay’s economy had begun to unravel. The country entered a decades-long period of economic stagnation. It was during the administration of President Jorge Pacheco Areco (1967–72) that Uruguay entered a political and social crisis. As wool and beef demands declined in world markets, export earnings no longer kept pace with the need for greater social expenditures causing bad economic performance that lead to the bureaucratic-authoritarian take over of government. Although the old democratic regime was not able to lift economic prosperity neither was the military-as-government. Bad economic performance still plagued the nation throughout authoritarian rule. By 1980 the military had no agenda in combating the bad economic performance that helped unveil the inadequacies of the non democratic regime. In fact, economic performance has been in a decline since 1950’s until today. Although the legitimacy that the democratic system posses in Uruguay is strong, the capacity, or as Stepan and Linz say, the â€Å"efficacy† of the democratic system in resolving the stagnant economy is low. Thus, making Uruguay’s democracy risk-prone due to an unsolved economic performance. Since the economy has been the number one issue affecting Uruguayans since the end of their golden era in the early 19 century. A public opinion poll was asked to upper class respondents weather a political alternative from the authoritarian regime at the time would speed rather than slow economic recuperation. By a margin of 2 to 1 they believed it would, more surprisingly was a 7 to 1 response to the question if a new democratic regime would bring more tranquility and public order. In 1985, of the nine institutions evaluated in terms of trust, political parties ranked highest with a net score of 57 and the armed forces with a net score of negative 73. Only 5% viewed the military sympathetically while 78% viewed the military with antipathy. (Linz 153) In my studies concerning democratization never did democracy start with such rejection of the political role of the military from all class coalitions alike. During the first half on the 19th century the norm was a two party system similar to that of the United States in that there was â€Å"low fragmentation and low polarization. † (Linz 163) However, contrary to the American vetting process the Uruguayan had a peculiar electoral system known as the double simultaneous vote that allows all parties to run multiple candidate for the presidency. This did not present a problem until after the 1960’s when presidents routinely were elected with less than 25% of the vote because of the amount of candidates running. This creates party fragmentation that can hinder democracy. The fact that the old regime political structure remains untouched means that the opportunity for constitutional change was missed and this presents a potential democratic upheaval. Behaviorally, by 1968-73 political elites were at best semi-loyal to the democratic system that soon caused the authoritarian regime to take over government, and one thing that can be done from previous failures in democratic attempts is to learn from their missteps. Stepan and Linz clearly state that for the consolidation of democracy loyalty to the system as well as the perception that all other parties are loyal to the democratic process plays a crucial role. (Linz 156) By 1985 not one of the twelve major factions of the three leading parties perceived the other parties to be acting disloyal. As well as the mere fact that the once unacceptable left-wing party, Frente Amplio, held the mayoral position of Montevideo by 1989 and then the presidency by 2004 demonstrates the positive elite choices that contributed to democracy. Since Uruguay’s troublesome and long fought battle for independence in August 25, 1828 Uruguay did not encounter any â€Å"intermestic† stateness problems. As far as Washington relations to Latin America and in particular Uruguay, the United States continues to pursue hegemony over the region. The neo-liberal reforms in place in the region are bound by the restraints of the global market and for a country like Uruguay it is very difficult to compete with such superpowers. These reforms have often left the lower classes impoverish and desperate while the upper classes and Washington feed their gluttonous appetites. The civilian government in Uruguay has found it increasingly difficult to enforce these foreign economic influences that can potentially result in authoritarian means of accomplishment. As a member of MERCOSUR, Mercado Comun del Sur, Uruguay faced foreign political influences to liberalize its economy during the 1990s, as economic giants, and MERCOSUR partners Brazil and Argentina had done. This can be potentially devastating to democracy except that Uruguay in the 1980’s had a gross national product (GNP) per capita income of 2,820, higher than any of its MERCOSUR counterparts. However, we must remember that Uruguay has been experiencing a downward economic performance since the mid 1900’s and is a potential risk that needs to be addressed to preserve democracy. United States foreign policy in Uruguay and in the rest of Latin America has encouraged for the liberalization of markets. The side effect of neo-liberal reform is the zero-sum element that produces excessive amounts of losers. Essentially the contrary to what it is intended to produce. These superpower polices implemented creates few winners most of which are â€Å"elites with government connection [that] have been the primary beneficiaries of the sweeping economic transformation. † (Kingstone 196) This transcends business when the only means of preserving this market economy is through potential authoritarian means. The contentious claim that Uruguay is a consolidated democracy since 1992 is threefold, first, because of the reluctance to fix the already proven failed double simultaneous vote electoral system. Secondly, because of civil-military relations concerning human rights violation during authoritarian rule, although was legitimized by democratic referendum, but more importantly budgetary cuts that have been implemented as a result of bad economic performance. Finally, and most importantly, Uruguayans accept democracy as the most legitimate political game, but also recognize its incapacity to fix the troubling economy, producing this efficacy-legitimacy gap that can be potentially destructive for democracy. These three factors give Uruguay the title of a risk-prone democracy. Works Cited Kingstone, Peter R. , ed. Readings in Latin American Politics. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2006. Linz, Juan, and Alfred Stepan. Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. O’Donnell, Guillermo. Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics. Berkley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1973. How to cite Democratization of Uruguay, Papers

Saturday, April 25, 2020

Jelousy Essay Example

Jelousy Essay There are evil people in this world; greedy, manipulative, overbearing and jealous.Iago, in William Shakespeares Othello, is an evil, malignant character.He uses peoples goodness, integrity, and ignorance to get what he wants.When Othellos position is higher through character and status, Iago becomes jealous and decides that Othello must be eliminated. Iago is aware of the jealousy inside himself.Othello is a good man at heart, but is not aware of his evil and jealousy, and therefore will not be able to control it.Iago takes advantage of this and uses Othellos trust to manipulate Othello into revealing his true character. Iago, like any great manipulator, moves indirectly so he is never suspected.He uses Roderigo to get to Cassio, Desdemona, and Othello.Once the peace is disrupted, Iago moves directly to Othello. Everyone trusts Iago and believes that he is trying to do the best for them.Iago uses Roderigo to get Cassio in trouble with Othello.Since Roderigo is in love with Desdemon a, I confess it is my shame to be so found (of Desdemona)(Act 1. Sc 3. Ln 360), Iago tells Roderigo that Cassio is in love with her and she in love with Cassio.Desdemona is directly in love with him.(Act2. Sc1. Ln240) This upsets Roderigo and he is more prone to fight Cassio when told by Iago to do so. Roderigo does not just have Othello to compete with anymore; he has Cassio as well. Iago tells Roderigo that he can win Desdemona from Cassio by fighting and from Othello by following her to Cyprus. So Roderigo listens to and trusts the man, fights Cassio, sells his land and brings Iago to Cyprus.After the fight Cassio is dismissed from his office by Othello. Iago wins. Cassio is in trouble, is no longer Othellos lieutenant and Iago is in Cyprus with Othello.He then moves in on Cassio.Cassio is another step closer for Iagos plan to cause Othellos demise.Iago convinces Cassio to ask Desdemona, Othellos wife,

Wednesday, March 18, 2020

Consolidation of Democracy in Post-Soviet Russia Essays

Consolidation of Democracy in Post-Soviet Russia Essays Consolidation of Democracy in Post-Soviet Russia Russian History Consolidation of Democracy in Post-Soviet Russia Introduction The fall of the Communist regime in the Soviet Union was more than a political event. The powerful interaction and fusion between politics and economics that characterized the state socialist system created a situation that was unique for the successor states of the Soviet Union. The penetration of the Communist regime into every facet of life left the Russian people with little democratic traditions. Russia faces the seemingly impracticable task of economic liberalization and democratization. This is combined with a necessity to answer nationalist and ethnic questions that have plagued Russia for centuries. This paper addresses the problems of creating a stable democracy in Russia. The prospects for a stable democracy in Russia are limited at best. I will outline some of the concerns that academics have in the consolidation of Russian democracy. What is paramount to note is that a stable democracy must adequately address what Ken Jowitt calls the developmental trinity: nation-building; capitalism and democracy. The dilemma that is especially relevant to Russia it that these conditions are often contradictory. The often messy business of politically reconstructing a nation defies traditional democratic ideals. The establishment of democratic institutions can hinder the development of a market economy and, conversely, programs that are designed to enhance capitalist expansion often are antagonistic towards democratic goals (Jowitt 7). These seemingly endless Catch-22s are at the heart of difficulties facing Russia in its attempt to create a stable democracy. The Process of Creating A Nation-State The question of who is the playing the game and what makes the playing field is an important one for the Russian Federation. Ethnic and nationalist questions plagued the Soviet Union and continue to stress the Russia Federation during its nascent period. The dynamics of center-periphery relations provides Moscow with some of the greatest challenges in establishing a stable democracy. Phillipe Smitter writes, There is no simply democratic way of deciding what a nation and its corresponding political unit should be (Smitter 66). Later in his article, he writes those that have not yet resolved the dilemma of defining their national and territorial boundaries are unlikely to make much more progress in other domains (Smitter 73). The dilemma facing the Russian Federation is that it finds itself with a charge of establishing and following democratic institutions, while at the same time facing secessionary pressures that seem to require extra-democratic means to preserve the integrity of the nation. Nationalism in multiethnic areas in the Russian Federation has provided a substantial challenge for democratization. There is a direct relationship between democratization and ethnic peace (Smitter 72). In a democratically weak society, ethnicity assumes a stronger role, and when democracy and ethnicity are balanced, political stability is possible. As a result of a lack of democratic institutions and channels for dialogue, Russias inhabitants are now increasingly identifying themselves as members of ethnic groups rather than as citizens of the Russian Federation (Drobizheva). An important development in center-periphery relations is the growing importance of economic nationalism, an effort to create an economic basis for political independence. Economic nationalism is a protective defense against the Russian federal governments economic dominance. Alternatively, it is also a sign that the republics wish to retain relations with Moscow since politics remains primarily in the hands of the center (Drobizheva). For example, Tatarstan and Sakha-Yakutia both have a wealth of natural resources, giving them a potential advantage in economic development and a desire to establish control over these resources. Tatarstan, for example, strives to sell its oil at world market prices in foreign markets to generate income, and in 1993-94, the local governments in Tatarstan and Yakutia sought economic decentralization in Russia by refusing to pay federal taxes. Consequently, an agreement reached between the federal government and the republics gave the latter what they wanted: increased economic autonomy (Drobizheva). Further inquiry into the agreements with Tartarsan demonstrates the flexibility the Yeltsin regime is willing to employ in dealing with possible powder-keg situations. A treaty signed on February 15, 1994 attempted to mollify the tensions on both sides. The treaty affirmed Tartarsan right to its own international and economic relations and, as previously noted, provided substantial autonomy in economic issues for Tartarsan. Smoothing over

Sunday, March 1, 2020

Avoiding age discrimination on the job

Avoiding age discrimination on the job The truth is, we’re sometimes judged by things that are beyond our control- this is true in all facets of life, including the world of work. One of the biggest workplace reversals in recent decades is the perception of age. At one time, age was looked at as a valuable commodity among employees- an indication of experience, wisdom, and know-how. While this is still true in some industries and companies, in many others age has become a perceived weakness of sorts- an indication of decreasing relevance, energy, and understanding of how the modern world (including current business needs and consumer demands) works. In years past, companies felt the need to have older, experienced employees in positions of power and decision-making; now, they’re increasingly allowing fresh young minds and perspectives at their helms to steer them towards success in our rapidly evolving, techno-centric world.So, where does this leave aging and older employees? The truth is, the general outloo k isn’t black and white- many older employees will figure out how to avoid age discrimination and find professional success, while others will struggle and face a variety of challenges along the way. Ladders discussed the issue of age discrimination in a recent article that included some helpful advice on how to face this tricky topic.Which side of the fence will you be on? While it may be impossible to completely control how the professional world perceives you as you get older, there are things you can do to hopefully avoid age discrimination- whether you’ve been on the job for years or are job hunting for your next position. Use the following strategies to avoid age discrimination in your professional life.Stay relevant.The world of work is quickly evolving, and those of us who work to stay relevant are much more likely to have a place in it- those who chose to endlessly bemoan these changes and remain stuck in the past will have a much harder road ahead of them.Reg ardless of your age, fight to stay relevant- master the current technology used by your office and industry (take classes if need be), get flexible and comfortable with a new agile and lean workplace environment (this may mean working remotely at a work share facility instead of having your own office), and even follow current styles of professional behavior and dress so that you fit in (get casual and ditch the tie or blazer if you’re the only one wearing them). Bottom line- if you want to seem relevant, make sure that you don’t stand out for the wrong reasons and show that you’re more than ready for whatever changes are on the horizon.Embrace change.Simply put, everything is changing- the old rules and ways of doing things are being tossed out the window and replaced by new approaches and innovations. By not only staying on top of these changes but embracing them, you’ll continually reassert your professional relevance and value and increase your chance s of being viewed as an asset, not an outdated fossil waiting to be put out to pasture.Demonstrate that you’re not only the kind of employee who can handle change, but can also  thrive when change happens, and can even lead the charge forward. For example, think of ways your company can take advantage of current and emerging innovation and show the powers that be that you can help steer your company to future success. It’ll be hard to deny your value as an employee if you’re constantly offering bold new ideas for how your company can face the future.When all else fails- assert your rights.If you’re doing all you can to remain a current and valuable part of the modern workplace but are still facing seemingly insurmountable hurdles, the truth is that age discrimination is illegal. The Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) protects workers over the age of 40 from discrimination on the basis of age. If you feel that you’re being unfairly discri minated against on the basis of age, know your rights and options and don’t be afraid to take action.The bottom lineWhile getting older does present new challenges for navigating the work world, you don’t have to let your age wholly define you as an employee or job candidate, and you shouldn’t allow yourself to be a victim of age discrimination. Use the strategies and advice presented here to avoid age discrimination and remain a valuable professional commodity. When the wave of change hits your industry or company (and there’s a good chance it already has), will you sink or swim? Take charge of your professional future.

Friday, February 14, 2020

Managing Organizational Strategy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4250 words

Managing Organizational Strategy - Essay Example The company has been in operation since its establishment in the year 1911 and has had its 30% shares owned by the Thornton family. The company’s products mostly include chocolates, toffee and fudge, though it also deals in candies among other stuff (Smith, 2001). It has been committed to delivering quality products. It is led by Peter Burdon as the chief executive and boosts of at least 500 retail shops in over 568 countries across the globe. Part A: Strategic Position of Thornton External Environment: PESTLE Analysis Quite involved is the external environment of Thorntons Company which is associated with a number of activities. Its external business environment has suppliers, customers, competitors, as well as a number of regulations which are of direct influence to its business operations. The company has made efforts to ascertain that its ultimate role and purpose as regards its immediate environment enable it understand its position and place in the entire chocolate indus try (Treanor, 2000). The company has therefore acquired a stable position in its business environment alongside suiting its capabilities and resources. The company has also been able to align itself towards different needs form various governments. The same has been its case with regulations and legislations in its various markets in different countries within which it operates. In terms of economy, Thorntons Company has been stably placed in the market and it has been seen to be favored by trends in interest rates. Its employment is also well supplied and viable as far as its business operations are concerned along with reliable income distribution which is pinned on the same (Lee, 2001). The company has also been stable in it market amid inflations and recessions which have of late struck the entire global economy. In addition, Thorntons Company has been in the forefront in regard to corporate social responsibility. This is depicted as having positioned it well in terms of its rel ationship with the communities within which it does operate. Jenkins (2001) observes that this has also been the trend with people’s eating habits which have been seen to incline more and more to Thorntons Company products even in foreign markets. The company has therefore been able to influence a magnitude in its business environment. It has also adopted technological approaches such as in its products’ preservation and packaging. Its link to suppliers has also been electronically enabled hence efficiency (Cyert and Williams, 1993). The company also embraced internet sales and marketing of its products, as well as branding of the same. This has made easy and enhanced its operations especially following the fact that it is operating within a competitive market alongside helping in its management of data and information. Putting basis on environment and natural resources conservation, Thorntons Company has also been an advocate for green consumerism as have been identif ied with its operations and business activities (Edelman and Suchman, 1997). It has embraced recycling as well as environment sound and friendly packaging systems alongside energy efficient systems in its operations. Legally, the company has also been able to adhere to stipulated legislation requirements in various countries it has business in. this is evident in terms of health and safety requirements, in its planning systems and employment requirements. Strategy Capability Analyses: Using Value Chain to